But the near conservatives has now increasingly locked into this fantasy.
And next, they've set out to uncover the network in the America itself.
Bush: "And make no mistake about it; we got a war here just like we got a war abroad."
But in reality, there is very little evidence that any of those arrested had anything at all to do with the terrorist plots.
Bush: "We're (b?) terrorists on the run. We keep them on the run.
One by one, the terrorists are learning the meaning of American justice."
In Briatin, too, the goverment and the rest of the media have created an overwheming impression that there's a hidden network of AL-Quaeda sleeper-cells waiting to attack.
And yet again, there's very little evdience for this.
Of the 664 people arrested under the terrorism acts since the September the 11th, none of them have been convicted of belonging to Al-Quaeda.
The majority of people convicted under the terrorism act since Septermber the 11th have actually been members of the Irish Terrorists groups like the UBF, or the real IRA.
And even the most frightnening and high proifiled plots uncovered turned out to be without foundation.
CBS NEWS: "CBS News Exclusive: About the captured Al-Quaede leader who says his fellow terrorists have the Know-How to build a very dangerous weapon and get it to the United States."
And the media took the bait. They portrayed the Dirty Bombs as an extraordinary weapon to kill thousands of people.
But in reality, the threat of the Dirty Bombs was yet another Illusion.
The scale of this Fantasy just kept growing as more and more groups realized the power that gave them.
Above all, the group who had been instrumental in first spreading the idea were the Near-Consevatives.
Becuase they now found that they could use it to help them realize their vision.
The driving force behind these new Global Policies in the War on Terror was the power of the Dark Fantasy.
The sinister web of the hidden and interlinked threads have stretched around the World.
And such was the power of that Fantasy, but it also began to transform the very nature of politics.
Because increasingly, politicians have discovered their ability to imagine the future and the terrible dangers at home, gave them a new and heroic realm around the world.
But now, the war on terror allowed the politicans (deliberately omit) to portray the new grand vision of the future.
But this vision was a Dark one, of the imagined threats, and the new force began to drive politics; The Fear of The Imagined Future.
: " They are imagining what could happen that there is no limit: 'what if they had access to it?', 'What if they could effectively deploy it?', 'What if we weren't prepared ?'..."
What is is a shift from the scientific 'what Is' evidence-based decision-making to this speculative, imaginary 'what if'-based worst-case-scenareo.
And this principle has now began to shape the government policy around the War on Terror.
But in both America and Britain, individuals are detained in high security prisons not for any crimes they have commited, but because the politicians believed, or "imagined", that they "might commit" an atrocity in the future even though there was no evidence they intended to do this.
"The society that believes in NOTHING, "FEAR" becomes the only agenda.
What the 20th century was dominated between a conflict, between a free-market right, and the socialist left: Even though both of those outlooks have their limitations and their problem; at least they "believed in SOMETHING". whereas what we are seeing is a society that believes in NOTHING.
And the society that believes in NOTHING is particularly frightened by people who believe in anything.
And therefore we label those people as "Fundamentalists" or "fanatics."
The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the reader to the complex interaction between biological, psychological, and social factors that coverage to produce and perpetuate the long-term consequences of trauma. Whether by cruel intuition or by trial and error, the torturer has learned through the ages to exploit those factors which are most effective in producing a state of helplessness and submission in his victims.
The principles by which torture produces its damaging consequences are those which underlie the effects of other, varied forms of catastrophic trauma. Thus, while the after-effects of torture are so frequent and uniform that those who work with its victims have identified a 'torture syndrome' (Kosteljantes & Aarund, 1983; Lunde, 1982; Hougen, 1988; Goldfeld et al, 1988), similar immediate reactions and long-term consequences also occur in response to combat, rape, kidnapping, concentration camp experiences, spouse abuse, child abuse, and incest (for reviews, see Horowits, 1986, and van der Kolk, 1987a, 1988). These events share common features which elicit a common psychological response, a response which is also affected by such features as the subjective meaning of the event and the social and interpersonal matrix in which the event occurs. By understanding the principles of the trauma response, one is in a better position to undo its damage. Thus, our discussion will also outline the treatment implications of this model.
The essence of trauma is that it overwhelms the victim’s psychological and biological coping mechanisms. This occurs when internal and external resources are inadequate to cope with the external threat. There are four primary features of traumatic events which account for the overwhelming nature of trauma and the overwhelming impact of the torture experience.
Traumatic events lie outside the normal range of human comprehension. Cognitive schemas serve as a buffer against being overwhelmed. When there are no existing cognitive schemas which allow the meaning of an event to be processed, the individual reacts with speechless terror. The inability to make sense of the experience overwhelms the victim's psychological capacity to cope. This exacerbates the state of exctreme physiologic arousal indiced by the stress. Such levels of arousal disrupt and disorganize cognitive processes and this interferes further with processing the meaning of the event (van der Kolk and Ducey, 1989; Fish-Murray, Koby, and van der Kolk, 1988). As a result, the traumatic experience is left unassimilated and is alternately denied and then compulsively relived with its original horrific intensity (Horowits, 1986; van der Kolk, 1988). This may occur visually through nightmeres and flashbacks, motorically through behavioural reenactments, or by reexperiencing dissociated fragments of the trauma through any sensory modality, through somatic symptoms, rage reactions, or panic states.
The traumatic experience cannot be assimilated in part because it threatens basic assumptions about oneself and one's place in thw world(Janoff-Bullman, 1985). These assumptions include: personal safety, security, integrity, worth, and invulnerability, a view of the world as orderly and meaningful, and a view of others as helpful and good. Incomprehensible traumatic events may be dissociated from awareness in the service of preserving some of these assumptions about oneself and the world. However, by contrasting their view of reality the trauma usually shatters cognitive assumptions, leaving the subject in a state of inner confusion. Rieker and Carmen (1986) state that, ' confrontations with violence shallenge one's most basic assumptions about the self as invulnerable and worthy and about the world as orderly and just. After abuse, the victim's view of self and world can never be the same again: it must be reconstructed to incorporate the experience.' This reconstructed sense of self is usually negative, experienced by the victim as helpless, ineffectual, and unworthy. Victims may blame themselves and direct their anger inward in order to preserve a sense of inner control and to avoid helplessness.
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Human beings have a biologically based need to form attachments with others (Bowlby, 1969; also for review see Eagle, 1987, Chap.2).
Children need a safe base in the form of secure attachments in order to explore their environment and develop socially (Field, 1985), and adults continue to be dependent on social supports for a sense of safety, meaning, power, and control (Bowlby, 1969, 1973; Kohut, 1977; MacLean, 1985).
The need to attach to others increases in times of stress and danger. Pain, fear, fatigue, and loss all evoke efforts to attract increased care from others (Becker, 1973; Fox, 1974; Rajecki, Lamb & Obmascher, 1978). People whose internal resources are inadequate to cope with a threat may cling to others to regain a sense of predictability and security. Stable attachments help to limit overwhelming physiologic arousal (Reite, Short & Seiler,1978; Coe, Glass & Wiener, 1983; Field, 1985). Other people also validate the individual’s experience and help make meaning out of what has happened. Some authors have credited surviving the concentration camps and similar extreme circumstances to the capacity to preserve attachment bonds, even when bonds with others are internalized abstractly in the forms of values and other cultural ties (for review see Eagle, 1987,Chap.18).
Traumatic rupture of interpersonal attachments is integral to the torture experience as well. Victims are kept in isolation and their captors threaten them with the capture and death of family and friends (Gonsalves, 1990). Torture survivors are often exiled after their release and feel alien and estranged (Fischman & Ross, 1990; Gonsalves, 1990). As outcasts from their society they do not receive the validation and support from their countrymen needed to overcome traumatization. This may be just one contributing factor to why they show persistent interpersonal dysfunction and increased divorce (Gonsalves, 1990). Traumatized people often show enduring difficulties in forming subsequent relationships (Lindy, 1987) and tend to alternate between withdrawing socially or attaching impulsively and maladaptively. This undermining of interpersonal resources perpetuates the traumatic situation.
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The betrayal of these expectations, and thus loss of this form of attachment, compounds the impact of torture.
Given the role of attachment in overcoming trauma, we suspect that strong inner ties to groups which share plitical or religious ideals that give meaning to the suffering may to some degree buffer the controling influence of torture.
One of the most pernicious effects of torture is that in their attempt to maintain attachment bonds, victims turn to the nearest source of hope to regain a state of psychologic and physiologic calm. Under situations of sensory and emotional deprivation they may develop strong emotional ties to their tormentors (Bowlby, 1969; Rajecki, Lamb & Obmascher, 1978; Dutton & Painter, 1981; Ochberg & Soskis, 1982; Finkelhor & Brown, 1985; Kempe & Kempe, 1987).
This ‘traumatic bonding’ is thought to occur among hostages, abused children, and abused spouses (Bettelheim, 1943; Dutton & Painter, 1981; Kempe &Kempe, 1978).
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Persistent autonomic arousal
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